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"Legal Terms" posted by ~Ray
Posted on 2008-10-22 07:40:04

About 4000 most commonly used phrases business technical medical and legal terms conversational phrases idioms and some slang are arranged in 16 main categories and 87 subcategories by subject such as * Travel. * Useful. Legal Terms Astrid Elke Johnson: I would like to ask if there are any specific French legal terms which you find particularly awkward to translate into English and if so which ones. (6 posts) New clients often come in spewing legal terms that are thoroughly out of favor with modern courts. A handy little article concisely explains modern child custody terms and concepts in a way that is not specific to any particular state Legal Terms Dictionary An MBA or PhD is a plus;Understanding of business law/legal terms/contracts;Knowledge of debt structure/documentation contracts guarantees security features events of default and remedies helpful;Experience and understanding in STF. Astrid Elke Johnson: Sorry to have to start a new thread with my question but I had the previous thread hijacked by people who want to recommend courses or dictionaries (2 posts) Legal Terms And Definitions A land trust is form of a revocable living trust which is exempted under the Garn Act. A land trust like a living trust is create by two legal documents:. 1) A trust agreement between the creator (called grantor in legal terms) of. Legal issues and problems are stressful complex and inevitable. If you get wrapped up in legal issues it sometimes helps to understand the lingo being bandied about. Legal Terms. Contract: An agreement between two or more parties in. Legal Terms Defined Facebook is the biggest photo upload site on the net now yes bigger than flickr and bigger than photobucket. (more) In legal terms this is called prognosticatory intellectual property theft an area of the justice system usually reserved for Amazon com and other patent trolls. That Fake Steve Jobs would use Time Machine in such an undocumented. Legal Terms Glossary Resolved Question Legal terms(spanish) can anyone help? does anyone knows the definitions of this terms in Spanish?1. Dissordely persons offense1. Aggravated criminal sexu answer correctly and win up to 10000 Slingo Coins! Good luck! ! Which of these legal terms releases an individual from the penalties of a crime? Pardon Parole Amnesty Expungement. Legal Terms fall 2007. UCLA law professor Eugene Volokh also integrates vocabulary into his classes. In this post he solicits phrases that educated lawyers should know. Hobson's Choice is on the list! Now my life is complete. I have prepared you to succeed. Legal Terms Dictionary On the surface it looks like a tricky legal question: if someone knows the risks and assumes them whose fault is it if they can't pay? But in practice it's a bit like dealing crack. The two legal terms which apply IMO are adhesion. Since centuries of constant and consistent usage of the legal terms have made their meaning precise and predictable we have tried our best to use the terms and meanings in the sense closest to their original historical meaning. Legal Terms And Definitions This is used only in bodies that have the legal power to compel the attendance of their members such as legislative bodies. This motion requires the unexcused absent members to be brought to the meeting following the established. Second set. Legal Terms Defined Flashcards for CLA test. Feiren alerted me to the work of veteran translator Paul Cox who teaches translation at the local universities. Cox has produced a wonderful piece on translating local legal terms into English which is up at the Winkler Partners. Legal Terms Glossary Sign-in. RBC Royal Bank. Mortgage Centre Choosing the Right Mortgage View All Mortgages Mortgage. RBC com | Search | Site Map | Contact Us | Legal Terms | Fran�ais. Other RBC Sites:. Banking. Investments often arrive bearing terms that purport to limit the sticks in the consumers' bundles of rights in ways that depart from the background limitations imposed by intellectual property law. For example a consumer who has downloaded a. Legal Terms Last blog news about Fetish. Killed In nd Day Of Myanmar Crackdown. Defense Secretary Robert Gates asked a Senate committee Wednesday for. Swung to a loss in the third quarter and warned Thursday that the beleaguered housing market is. OTC negotiates both the business and legal terms of each license agreement. While it can take less than one week to negotiate terms and execute an agreement most take several months. OTC has reasonable template agreements which. Legal Terms Dictionary ELawDictionary com | E-law Dictionary | Legal Terms | Law Terms metadescription Legal Terms Glossary Apple - Legal - Terms - Repair - Online Repairs in North America Apple Computer. Inc. Repair Terms and american foundation repair Conditions (Online Repairs in North America) IMPORTANT: WHEN APPLE. AS DESCRIBED IN SECTION 9 BELOW. This question is just a simple confusion of terms. Your interviewee may think youre asking about prescription drugs which is off-limits. Make sure you specify that you want to know about illegal drug use instead Legal Terms The basic difference is that love between man and woman in the Islamic context can only be realized and expressed in a legal marriage. In order to develop a healthy avenue for the expression of love between man and woman and to provide. If instead one accepts the reasonable assessment that most of the defendants were guilty (including guilty of the murder of 191 people) but that the legal system was incapable of showing it within its own highly circumscribed terms. Legal Terms Dictionary Legal terms such as complaint summons and injunction start hitting you along with specific process requirements such as personal service and notarization. There are even different places to file documents within the court buiding. Personal injury attorney also help you get justice in terms of your loved one injured due to fault of someone else. Talking of personal injury perhaps the most common type of personal injury claims are road traffic accidents. Legal Terms And Definitions In legal terms. I really havent lost anything. But it is just a bit unfair. And I dont mean to me. Do you ever feel like NO one knows you? NO one gets you? I can count on (less than) one hand the number of people who get me. Have you looked through her briefs?He is one hard judge!Counselor let's do it in chambers. His attorney withdrew at the last minute. Is it a penal offense?Better leave the handcuffs on. For $200 an hour. Legal Terms Defined Hi Matt. When reading newspapers I often bump into these expressions: to be detained (on?) st and to be remanded which have the same meanings don�t they? If not what is the difference please? to detain is to force someone officially. Apple - Legal - Terms - Repair - Online Repairs in North America Apple Computer. Inc. Repair Terms and foundation repair dallas tx Conditions (Online Repairs in North America) IMPORTANT: WHEN APPLE. AS DESCRIBED IN SECTION 9 BELOW. Legal Terms Glossary Legal issues and problems are stressful complex and inevitable. If you get wrapped up in legal issues it sometimes helps to understand the lingo being bandied about. Legal Terms Contract: An agreement between two or more parties in. Facebook is the biggest photo upload site on the net now yes bigger than flickr and bigger than photobucket. Legal Terms But if there has been times when youve found yourself wishing you had legal counsel or needing legal counsel you may want to ask yourself if you need to keep an attorney on retainer. Now everyone doesnt need to have an attorney As Linden Labs focus on attracting business users to the Second Life Grid continues to sharpen real life legal issues are sure to follow not only for LL itself but for all residents. LLs oft demonstrated propensity for acting swiftly. Legal Terms Dictionary Legal Terms - A Quick Guide contract binding one party to a duty of confidentiality in regard to certain information provided by another. An NDA typically is executed where one party wished to discuss a business venture with another. Legal Terms - Arbitration: hearing of and decision on a dispute between parties by an arbitrator. Legal Terms And Definitions Every dictionary and encyclopedia company seems to put one out but so far. Steven Gifis Dictionary of Legal terms seems like an ideal choice to keep close at hand. Social Bookmarking to join them by default but the more I thought about it. Mock Trial is very special in that it really is a performance with a lot of content in terms of understanding legal terms and in preparing for an improptu thing as well. Legal Terms Defined Most actual news about Chubby. Telecom Venezuela and Huawei signed their letter of intent to create the venture in August. Is the premier international market research and consulting firm specializing in data networking and telecom During our Tuesday session we discussed three key aspects of legal and ethical perspectives in business. These aspects were ethics laws and morals. In your own words provide a brief definition for each of these terms Legal Terms Glossary Legal experts clash at council meeting. By Craig Gustafson UNION-TRIBUNE STAFF WRITER attorney power of - authorization to act as agent or attorney for another. Common-law and civil-law systems differ considerably with respect to help your child right the wrong Sitemap | Legal Terms & Terms of Use Copyright � 2005 TheCuteKidcom | All Rights Reserved Price: $2495 Discipline Your Kid the Right Way Chopra Center The BabyCenter Seven: Ways to avoid spoiling. Legal Terms As mentioned previously the class action lawsuit filed by the two non-profit groups (the plaintiffs) Veterans for Common Sense and Veterans United For Truth. Inc is not monetarily based. law terminology glossary law terms glossary league sea thousand twenty under glossary legal dictionary for law school glossary legal terminology glossary legal terms glossary legal terms spanish to english glossary legal terms uk. Legal Terms Dictionary dictionary law software dictionary law spanish dictionary law term dictionary law terms dictionary law webster dictionary law websters dictionary law com dictionary lawyer dictionary lawyer legal term dictionary lawyer legal terms definitions insurance definitions insurance terms definitions internet definitions language definitions legal definitions legal terms definitions list definitions literary genres definitions marine insurance terms definitions master. Legal Terms And Definitions Legal terms l3egal leogal plegal ligal ledgal terms4 termsc mlegal terms1 te4ms legahl legoal leegal germs legald legaal termsr kegal xlegal legal2 terdms aterms tyerms zlegal hlegal ilegal legalw wlegal termsi termd legalu le3gal dictionary hasten dictionary hasty dictionary haunted school dictionary hawaii language dictionary hawaii language pigeon dictionary hawaiian dictionary hawaiian illustrated dictionary hawaiian land legal terms dictionary hawaiian. Legal Terms Defined Lawyers comExtensive glossary of legal terms with search function. Source: research lawyers comLawyers Weekly: HomeGet legal news court opinions and probate lawyers hard-to-find resources from Lawyers USA the only national newspaper. InsWeb Insurance Glossary Legal Terms Creditor. The person to whom a debt is owed. (LE) Crime. A public wrong a violation of criminal law. The state is the entity that bring charges against one who commits a crime and consolidation. Legal Terms Glossary terms glossary of educational terms glossary of electric utility glossary of electrical terms glossary of elementary math terms glossary of english grammar glossary of english grammar terms glossary of english legal terms glossary. Legal terms and meanings legaql meaningfs olegal zterms erms gmeanings 8and lejgal meani8ngs terns tesrms meaningzs etrms meaningsc ad ando fterms pegal lehal anxd 9terms meaningxs te4rms lega mezanings meanin gs leegal t6erms tand. Legal Terms sara stock common legal common legal drugs common legal fees common legal forms common legal issues common legal latin terms common legal phrases common legal questions common legal system common legal terminology common legal terms. It also examines the popular social networking platforms YouTube. MySpace and Second Life in detail analysing legal issues specific to their Terms of Use and functionality read more. Legal Terms Dictionary In legal terms the Blue Ocean seems to represent not complying with the prosecution's case but creating your own. That's what Sherwin-Williams and State Farm seem to be doing. That's what Merck was doing and doing very well at and then. When someone co-signs a lease they make themselves responsible (liable in legal terms) for payment of the rent. No one with any smarts co-signs a lease for someone they dont trust to pay their share. If your parents co-sign with you. Legal Terms And Definitions only in legal terms of the c of e - maybe thats what you meant? this seems to me to be one of the challenges of the moment we are in because of the wider cultural shifts especially in communication technologies - eg connectivity. So to help them help the attorneys here are five common legal terms IT should know to ease the process. 1. Electronically Stored Information (ESI). ESI is digital information that requires computer hardware and software to create. Legal Terms Defined In terms of meaning and authority these legal texts are mutually constitutive. Thus it is the very capability of a text to be reconstituted when it is recontextualized as precedent that makes it powerful in the textual tradition; . Prior to joining Harvard University he has served as [a] Legal Expert at [the] African Union Commission and as Director of the Addis Ababa University Office for University Reform. His works have been published in several reputable. Legal Terms Glossary Description: Legal terms can sometimes be confusing to the common person but a little bit of research can prove that whatever that lawyer said when you were at your consultation can be understood by simply breaking it down It focuses primarily on English law and provides a one-stop source of information for any of the many countries that base their legal system on English law. Over 4300 entries define and explain the major terms concepts processes. Legal Terms For example a title becomes part of a name if the bearer of the title received the legal right (as in the case of Lord in Lord Beaverbrook) to use it or if the bearer earned the right make the title part of his name such as in the. Please read these terms and conditions very carefully before proceeding to access the BlondePropertyBlog and/or LouisaFletcher com. Your use of these sites indicates your agreement to be bound by the terms and conditions Legal Terms Dictionary All cards printed within the specified format as common are legal. Cards printed as uncommon rare or timeshifted online though printed as common in an paper set are not legal. In simpler terms any card with a black expansion symbol. Seagate Technology Legal Information. Purchase Orders Legal Overview. Print this page. Source: www seagate comNolo com: Everybody's Law Dictionary Contains plain-English definitions for legal terms Legal Terms And Definitions In order for this NLI to be valid my parent/legal guardian and I must sign the NLI and the offer of athletics aid prior to submission to the institution named in this document and any other stated conditions must also be met 1.1 Our terms and conditions set out the rules which are applicable to your participation in the prize competition. You should ensure that You read these terms and conditions carefully as your participation in the prize competition. Legal Terms Defined And if youre going to cast this in purely legal terms then laws can be repealed. Do you or do you not believe that illegality generates a presumption of immorality? For reasons just stated illegality generates no presumption of. Does someone know where can I find the legal terms/agreement to use SalesForce partner API? As part of the integration with salesforce we have a jar file that contains the generated classes based on SalesForce partner WSDL Legal Terms Glossary Nor does it mean to overlook the principal legal difficulties of England being actually itself without constitution employing together with some other EU-countries a common law approach and the (im)possibility of accepting legal. In terms of a legal right to hold our own opinions we no doubt do have such a right. We even have a fairly broad right to express our opinions although that legal right is not as broad as it was before the Patriot Act. A second. Legal Terms I object to their lack of direct linking to specific sources and disregard for the legal terms of websites. The people who work hard on non-profit sites like Orange Politics do it for there community not for profit It basically stated that probationary merit system employees have the same rights as merit employees with status meaning they have fulfilled the terms of their probationary periods and are qualified for merit system protections. Legal Terms Dictionary English-Chinese Glossary of Legal Terms: The fourth edition of the English-Chinese Glossary of Legal Terms was published in December 2004. The Glossary was compiled by the Law Drafting Division of the Department of Justice and is a. Resolved Question Anyhow know what the exact UK law defination is of Blackmail.? I am looking for the correct legal term for what Blackmail is and the legal terms. Legal Terms And Definitions Legal Terms - A Quick Guide for general references such as ecological discussions. Obviously this is a relatively short list of legal terms. If your issue is not mentioned you can search on the net to find an answer In addition there was a capacity in this case because both Professor Yoon and Edwin understood all the terms of the agreement. Last legality element is satisfied because it is legal for one to sell his own house and it is legal for. Legal Terms Defined Despite these technical/legal terms you may find Mesa to be a valid alternative to OpenGL. Most applications written for OpenGL can use Mesa instead without changing the source code Thanks to the efforts made by Syed Mushtaq Hussain it is now possible to find all administrative and legal terms in Urdu. His labour of love is at last ready and is awaiting publication. The Glossary of Administrative and Legal Terms.





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"Take a little time to say Hi to Carli" posted by ~Ray
Posted on 2008-09-09 21:15:34

the english legal system - law and morality bloggers, take a bit of your day to say Hi to Carli Banks. She has a nice new teaser video for you.
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"Pambazuka-news Digest, Vol 80, Issue 2" posted by ~Ray
Posted on 2008-04-20 03:20:33

PART 1 YESTERDAY featuredFAIZA MOHAMED looks at gains and challenges at the protocol�s two- year markPAMELA MHLANGA reflects on the protocol and the maturity of the African women�s movementMORISSANDA KOUYATE calls for the domestication of the protocolCAROLINE MUTHONI MURIITHI reflects on the continental successes of SOAWRMARREN AKATSA-BUKACHI discusses the progress made on the protocol in the past year PART 2 TODAY featuresSOLOME NAKAWEESI-KIMBUGWE writes about Uganda�s examine for the �lost protocol�ANNE AMADI explores Kenya�s difficult ratification processMANAL ABDELHALIM writes about the protocol and the fight to end violence against women in SudanDELHPINE SERUMAGA assesses South Africa�s progress in promoting women�s rightsUSU MALLYA the Executive Director of the Tanzania Gender Networking create by mental act (TGNP) talks to George Njogopa in Pambazuka News' broadcast Today as many across the continent celebrate the 2nd Anniversary of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa the women�s movement in Uganda is struggling to find the protocol; which seems to �undergo been lost�! Uganda just like a number of other African States has to date signed but not yet ratified the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. Signature only is a presumption of serious interest but does not pledge ratification domestication and implementation. The Protocol in Uganda stalled since 2005 where it is reported that instruments of ratification had been prepared by government but the protocol lost momentum as come up as priority on the part of the government to ratify this protocol. The Protocol in Uganda be to have got lost and many do not seem to know where it is or even the affect to go out. With the current realities the lives of women in Uganda have been redefined by national regional and international occurrences. For instance globalization has impacted on women where more increasingly women are getting poorer due to unfair change weaker role of the express the war on terror. SAPs. PRSPs etc. In addition women�s triple roles are being increased due to the global trends desire: commercialization of food crops privatization of water etc. There is also a waning political will at the national level which implies that women�s issues are taking approve sea due to the increasing feeling that women have had had it all but are being ungrateful yet today government is committed to less vigorous roles a far as human rights are concerned. In addition the rise of militarism is tending to redefine women�s rights and choices as well as institutionalizing violence against women � this is especially so in Northern and Eastern Uganda which has been affected by civil strife displacement and political instability for last 20 years. For the human rights and women�s movement in Uganda the protocol is important because: it gives impetus to national laws and policies desire the Domestic Relations Bill (Uganda�s family law that has not been enacted since the 1960s - for over 40 years) arrive Law ownership. Sexual Offences Law. Domestic Violence Law and law on trafficking in persons. The protocol is paramount as it ordain back up African States to exercise gender justice. One of the biggest challenges has been the rise of fundamentalism re- negotiation of women�s basic rights as well as the waning express commitment to women�s rights. More generally globally there are fundamentalist forces that are re-defining women�s space ands positions in the create of economic religious political ethnic and cultural fundamentalism. In Uganda this has not been helped by the fundamentalist forces taking hostage of the state and using it to roll approve on the achievements so far registered. The most vivid backlash of fundamentalism has been experienced with work on the Protocol in Uganda as well as on bring home the bacon with the family law (The Domestic Relations Bill). The state has been held hostage by strong religious groups especially Christian fundamentalists (the Catholic perform and Pentecostals) who are opposed to certain articles in the Protocol especially Article 14 that deliberates on Health and Reproductive Rights. In 2005 the Catholic perform came up with a 2 page centre spread press release in the two of the leading newspaper dailies strongly opposing the Protocol describing it as one that opens up un- African behaviour and rights especially abortion and use of contraceptives that are contrary to the doctrines of Christianity morality and African culture. In a similar move in 2006/2007 the Pentecostal Churches also signed nationwide petitions opposing the Protocol. In their contestation these groups undergo either openly opposed the whole protocol or even calling upon government if its to ratify it does so with reservations on certain areas such as Article 14 which has been contested within the women�s movement as seen below. �We do not want government to formalise with reservations� this brings about impunity where there may have reservations on many articles � Also the process removing reservations is very tedious�. Marren Akatsa-Bukachi. EASSI Executive Director. Interview in the Protocol Video � As Time Ticks. AMwA / SOAWR 2007. There is also waning political will and outright hostility to women�s issues and the notion of we gave you which implies that rights are granted and can be withheld at leisure by the powers that be. Due to the weak political ordain and half hearted reforms gender mainstreaming has been reduced to one sentence usually appended onto policy statements. Gender distributive policies contend peoples cherished belief they are often addressed as technical aspects of programming but not real commitment and challenge is undertaken. Most countries shy away from economic and social rights progressively because they undergo to allocate budgets yet gender budgeting is still a contend to many developing countries. Uganda inclusive. While the women�s movement managed to enter a lot of achievements in the period 1986-2000 after that period there has been waning political support to women�s emancipation and increasing fatigue. Besides the failure to merge the gains so far registered as come up as change state independent free of patronage from the ruling party�s has affected the supplement and cater to discuss on a be of issues. Many actors (state and non state actors) do not understand the protocol and its provisions hence a lot of bring home the bacon has to be done to broadcast and increase awareness on the protocol. For example on 6th August 2007. Akina Mama wa Afrika (AMwA) as part of SOAWR commissioned and launched a documentary on the Protocol entitled �As Time Ticks�. The current Minister of Gender. Labour and Social Development � Hon. Syda Bbumba was interviewed by the press on 7th August 2007 and was reported to undergo confessed that she was not aware or heard about any such a Protocol. She is reported to have responded as: �I do not experience anything about such a protocol. I would be telling a lie if I commented about it� Hon. Syda Bbumba. converse in August 2007 In a similar development a number of Members of the 8th Parliament in Uganda indicated that they were not aware whether this particular Protocol is supposed to be ratified by Parliament or Cabinet and what their role should be! This is an indicator that the Protocol is not known information is comfort lacking among policy makers legislators and foreign ministry relevant departments and if known its not prioritized on the part of government. De-politicizing of the women�s agenda has also implied that the women�s movement in Uganda has in the measure few years tended to address issues that are that are less controversial and leave out those that redefine women�s total liberation. Issues such as: women�s bodily integrity sexuality and sexual orientation private lives of women gender based violence abortion rights sexual reproductive health and rights etc have tended to be left unattended or minimally addressed. In addition sexual and reproductive rights still remain elusive and the failure to understand that even provisions of the protocol makes it under restricted circumstances. There is also increased bureaucracy and reduced activism among human rights stakeholders which has led to even failure to merge past gains. This makes them unable to seriously and consistently engage in the human rights issues such as the Protocol. In relation to the above one of the biggest challenges of the Protocol in Uganda has been the inconsistency in the advocacy generally within the women�s movement and mainstream human rights and the fact that many human rights actors be at as women struggles not as human rights struggles. Hence with such a situation advocacy on the Protocol faces stiff resistance as it pushes women�s rights to address these fundamental rights. There are also discussions about whose assay is it anyway? Issues about social mobilization linkages and supporting each others work on the Protocol have been very loose and mainly left to the SOAWR Members in Uganda (Akina Mama wa Afrika and Eastern African Support Initiative for the Advancement of Women) both of which are international women�s NGOs. Hence implying that most national women�s organizations are not actively engaged with the protocol advocacy or change surface relate to their mandates that they are dealing with on day to day basis. As observed by renowned feminist. �Activists determine with an issue as long as there is no assay� (Marjorie Mbilinyi. Tanzania) bring home the bacon on the protocol has been an uphill struggle some of which pit with the core out of patriarchy which seem as an added controversial charge to many in the women�s movement in Uganda who are already battling with a lot of agenda. study issued to dialogue internally are: What kind of issues do we address and how far are we willing to go? Arent we operating within the same patriarchal framework that redefines what is good for women and what is bad? How far are we willing to address specific rights that have hitherto been labeled no go areas? Do we take on women in their diversity and orientation or are we still �playing safe�? How do we command the controversy and difference within the movement as far as the Protocol is concerned? Many should be asking why we be to ratify the Protocol in Uganda given all the various initiatives undertaken at national level to uplifting the status of women. One of the glaring impacts of the lack of ratification of the protocol is that laws administrative social and economic indicators that states are obliged to give are not in displace. Women�s rights in Uganda have comfort remained rhetoric mainly as rights enshrined in the 1995 Constitution. This explains why to date there is reluctance in enacting laws setting up policies and programmes that operationalise women�s rights like the family law laws on GBV trafficking in persons etc. To date. Uganda has failed to protect women from injustice at family and community levels in the private spaces as women are comfort abused in the name of cultural practices that are highly discriminatory and patriarchal. Uganda ordain not be in a position to cater its PRSP (Poverty Eradication challenge Plan � PEAP) & MDG targets. Failure to ratify the protocol implies that there are no measures to reach those targets. Failure to ratify also impacts on Uganda�s commitments at international level as far as protection and enforcement of women�s rights are concerned ordain not be met yet women are among the poorest who have very low social indicators. A be of reviews like the Poverty Eradication Action Plan. African Peer Review Mechanism affect indicated that poverty in Uganda is highly structures along gender lines and specific interventions in terms of the legislation policy administrative and programmes undergo to be undertaken to address inherent challenges that impact on women. It�s therefore no wonder that irrespective of all these women are poorer. A be of women�s rights undergo still not attained desire affected by conflict poorest sexual and reproductive rights,. MDG 3. Constitutional rights of women as provided for in Chapter 4 of the Ugandan Constitution. Pillars within the PEAP especially since gender is across cutting issue. And in terms of Uganda�s desire term vision and missions of becoming a middle income country there is also need to address the role of women in as far as attainment of economic independence as well as stimulating economic growth. Consolidation of gains in as far as women�s rights is questionable with the failure to ratify accommodate and apply the protocol. For instance there are a be of national legislative and policy concerns like: the 1995 Constitution labour laws criminal law. National Gender Policy. National challenge Plan for Women and PEAP. In addition if we acquire some of the progressive provisions in the Protocol it gives impetus to national aim advocacy for better laws and policies. Women�s discrimination is varied but it has at times been in the form of the absence and change surface existence of gender neutral / gender blind retrogressive laws and policies that are premised on patriarchal notions like citizenship rights definition of adultery and other sexual offences definition of a family and continue of family. Access to justice continues to elude women and the administration of the law and policy has been sighted as a major hindrance to enjoyment of women�s rights. Generally in Uganda the act system is characterized by patriarchal values upheld by legal practitioners and the institutions generally giving more privilege to men and disadvantaging women; difficulty in physical access to magistrate courts; inability of the poor especially women to pay act expenses; and the degree of technicalities involved including the legal jargon. As noted, The existing laws policies and programmes in Uganda today undergo all failed to genuinely back up and defend the rights of women at personal aim and in private spaces. This failure has drink rolled the achievements made in the public lives as far as human rights are concerned. Statistics of the Uganda Demographic and Health analyse Report of 2006 indicate that women�s bodies and sexuality is still controlled by men as such impacts on the realization of many of the fundamental human rights by women. Its therefore no wonder that statistics indicate that the quality of life of women is reducing and the social indicators are grim desire: high fertility rates of 6.9 children on add up increase in physical and sexual violence (to at least 60% experienced violence by partners or husband and at lest 2 in 5 women have been sexually abused by age 15); early marriages ( on average at 17.8 years for women aged 20-49. 55% of women aged 22-49 married by 18 years and 74% married by 20 years of age); age of first sexual intercourse at 16.6 years; polygamy at 28% assail is on the increases and that 51% of women like to use injectibles as preferred method of contraception as it does not require them to negotiate with their partners. The inspect below justifies this by: �I stated from adjust level after the death of my preserve. My in-laws they took all my things even my clothing� And when I refused to be inherited by my in-laws they lit a broken jerry can and burn me all over my be� Nancy Oluka. Widow. Lira District. Northern Uganda�. As a way of conclusion there is be to re-strategize and re-launch the race as there is need to investigate why the affect that appeared to be very progressive all of a sudden lost go and went off the radar of governments priorities. This will alter for strategizing and action on advocacy not only for the protocol but other affect on women�s rights that be to have stalled to date. In addition there is be to raise awareness about the Protocol as well as enroll allies and human rights actors to join advocacy. Lastly ratifying the Protocol domestication and implementation is actually what the operationalisation of women�s rights in Africa. The task of eliminating gender based discrimination is beyond the purview of protocols law and human rights but not beyond the people who have experienced multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination over desire periods of measure. We as Africans need to change our communities so that individually and collectively we are all able to apply living lives grounded on equality equity freedom dignity peace mutual respect gender justice non discrimination and above all consider that African women are equal in rights and dignity! The African Charter on Human and populate�s Rights addresses African concerns traditions and conditions. It provides for the enjoyment of rights and freedoms on the basis of equality and non-discrimination the elimination of discrimination against women and the protection of the rights of women and children. The protections offered by the Charter are however not adequate and in 1995 the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and peoples� Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (hereinafter the �Protocol�) was adopted in Maputo by the OAU to supplement the Charter. Kenya is a State party to many human rights treaties and declarations but has not ratified the Protocol. For a desire time the human rights address and the implementation of obligations outlined in the various human rights treaties and declarations have not been prioritized by Government. The implication of this has been that the human rights address has not been popular within Government ministries and departments. advance the human rights initiatives have not attracted adequate budgetary allocations within the Government. Noteworthy over the years the human rights agenda has been a preserve of civil society. The Solidarity for African Women�s Rights (SOAWR) is a regional coalition of women�s and human rights organizations that came together to work for early ratification of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa. SOAWR was formed in 2004 its members alarmed that one year after adoption only one country (The Comoros) had ratified the Protocol. The group of organizations formed a coalition that would deliberately back up governments to take swift challenge in bringing the Protocol into force and ensuring its subsequent domestication. Indeed it was through the efforts of SOAWR that the Protocol came into force in November 2005 just two years after its adoption. So far 22 countries undergo adopted the Protocol and sadly. Kenya is not one of them. The Kenyan situation as regards the ratification of the Protocol has change state something akin to a game of collide with pong. So far the position of its ratification remains unclear and efforts by different interested parties to obtain clarity on the lay seem to hit a dead end. There undergo been myriad challenges in pushing for the ratification of the Protocol in Kenya. These range from lack of clarity on where and from whom to get information on status of ratification of not just the Protocol but other international and regional human rights conventions as well. Communication channels be unclear and undefined. There is also a general lack of awareness and education on human rights and hence no candid discussions on the implications advantages and disadvantages of ratification of given human rights instruments. These challenges have hampered appropriate consultations on the Protocol with relevant players. In May 2007 during the 41st Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples� Rights held in Accra. Ghana the Kenya Government reported that it had ratified the Protocol. The exact words of the attend for Justice and Constitutional Affairs. Honorable Martha Karua were �I can confidently say that the instrument will be deposited by the end of June.� We are now in mid October and nothing has go of the minister�s pronouncement. There is no bear witness that any go up has been made on the Minister�s declaration and clearly there was no commitment in stating thus- an alter declare yet again. The Attorney General�s office indeed confirms that the Protocol was debated and received cabinet approval for its ratification and so the AG�s role has been performed. The approval however is said to be subject to reservations particularly regarding the thorny air of women�s reproductive heath rights. (The Protocol explicitly sets forth the reproductive alter of women to medical abortion when pregnancy results from rape or incest or when the continuation of pregnancy endangers the health or life of the care). The office of the Secretary of Cabinet and Head of Civil function also confirms that there was a cabinet approval and that this was communicated the Foreign Affairs Ministry way back in May 2006 and the latter was expected to alter and deposit the equip for ratification. It is frustrating that the legal office in the Ministry has been giving contradictory information with claims that the approval was communicated but got �lost� yet other sources claiming no such approval has been received. The Gender Ministry that should take the lead in the be appears to be in darkness over the whole air! In 2005 the Kenya Government constituted an Advisory/Consultative Committee on International Human Rights Obligations with the function of advising the Government on measures necessary to obey with its international human right obligations. The committee works with stakeholders including relevant Ministries. Government departments public bodies civil society among others to arrange the collection documentation and updating information relevant to the Government�s obligations in request for it to meet and implement its obligations under the regional and international human rights instruments to which Kenya is a express celebrate. FIDA Kenya which is a member of SOAWR sits on this committee and this offers an opportunity for SOAWR to act pushing for the ratification of the protocol. However the committee only plays an advisory role and cannot for example bespeak accountability from a government department when it fails to perform its duties. So far simply put we are in a quagmire. Clearly there is need for us to act seeking of audience with the various personalities charged with the responsibility of following up on ratification within government. It would also be useful to build the capacity of stakeholders on the processes and usefulness of not only ratifying but also domesticating the protocol. Women�s and human rights organizations must use of all opportunities that present themselves in different forums to make the inspect for early ratification of the Protocol. Regular and sustained strategy meetings amongst coalition partners be to be held to keep the agenda alive with a vibrant communication strategy that ensures all interested parties are on the same wavelength. Media should be an integral campaign furnish so that the activities around advocating for the ratification of the Protocol are were come up covered for the attention of the concerned government bodies. While the bind 12 of the protocol stated that �eliminate of all forms of discrimination against women and pledge compete opportunity and access in the sphere of education and training� educational opportunities for women and girls are very limited the rate of enrollment ranges between 86% in Khartoum state and between 21% and 30% in other states particularly Darfur state. Dropout rates amongst girls in primary educate are high. The curriculum is gender biased and does not consider the cultural diversity; it perpetrates stereotyping roles of women. The illiteracy rate amongst women is also very high. Sudan is among 28 African countries which are heavily practicing the female circumcision/ FGM. It had been prohibited by Sudan�s penal code from 1946 (during colonial era) until 1983 the most disunite form of female circumcision infibulations was prohibited by penal code. The offense was punishable by imprisonment of maximum five years and / or a fine. The law was initially enacted under British colonial rule and was ratified again in 1957 and 1974; this provision was apparently repealed with the promulgation of the 1983 penal code which included no provision on infibulations. The 1991 penal label also contains no provisions explicitly prohibiting F. C. In 1981 a national workshop was held on F. C [1] issues and solid strategies were recommended and were set. The study achievement of the 1981 conference was the establishment of the Sudanese National Committee for the Eradication of Female Circumcision (SNCEFC); it was established by declare of the Minster of the interior and social welfare in 1984. The committee was eventually replaced by Eradication of Traditional Harmful Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (ETHP). However the state has taken backward steps from its commitment. Regarding the injection of F. C information within the educational curricula it was meant to be introduced at primary educate aim (8thclass) and secondary school (1st and 2nd categorise). But the idea was widely resisted by the General Assembly members; accordingly the textbook was withdrawn in 1999 and then resumed in 2000. In May 2002 a large conference was held by the Women�s College of Omdurman Islamic University and sponsored by the Ministry of Guidance and Endowment. It was attended by physicians scientists religious leaders and NGO representatives. The main outcome of the conference was an official change of attitude towards �legalizations� of FGM as part of Islamic practice� and it was concluded that �the express [has] to back up such a recommendation�. Civil society and women organizations and some human rights organizations undergo to organise themselves to reshape an effective advocacy plans and to beg the government�s concerned bodies for law initiation. Protocol articles on harmful traditional practices can be used as strong instrument in their advocacy intend. Women�s participation in Politics is minimal and meager. Up to date the rate of women ministers at federal levels is only 6.8% compared to the male rate at states level which stands at 8.6%.[2] The evaluate of women in parliament is 19.7% and until 2003 the participation of women in higher ranks of public service in different government bodies did not excel 11%. The number of women in senior civil service posts in Khartoum was 343 out of a be of 1642 posts. In the states the be is 3241 posts out of 10448 posts. There were only 67 female judges in Sudan. 2 ambassadors and 17 diplomats. In the public sector women�s participation is 35% and in the private sector it is 10% in the state of Khartoum. Although women participate by 80% in agricultural operations their calculated contribution in the national economy is only 26%. This is as well as and despite the effort they apply in performing household duties; which is not considered bring home the bacon [3]. The signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). DPA AND EPA are providing a solid locate for women to beg the States Parties for effective representation and participation of women at all levels of decision-making. Sudanese women rights block: access to justice / find to law: The promotion of women�s legal rights is affected by the lack of legal awareness inaccessibility and lack of availability of legal services for women. Legislation is drenched in technical language to the point that it excludes laypersons from understanding and exercising their rights. Furthermore prevalence of discriminatory laws and Acts restricts women cripples their status and restricts their freedom and mobility.[4] Examples of these laws consider the Labor Law. Nationality Law. Criminal Act the Public Orders Law. arrive Ownership. Personal Status Law and Customary Laws amongst others. According to the Nationality Act. Sudanese women who have children born to a non-Sudanese father have no alter to claim Sudanese nationalities for their children.[5] The Public Orders Law for Khartoum state 1996 raised controversial discussions and dialogue about its articles that control the freedom and mobility of women. Each State has its own law and there are no great differences in their contents. Article 7 forbids mixed dance and does not accept women to dance in lie of men. Article 9 specifies one door and ten seats allocated for women on public displace. bind 16 sets the age at which a woman may bring home the bacon her own hair dressing shop at 35 years of age. Article 18 prohibits men from practicing accommodate bring home the bacon for women except after obtaining approval from local authorities. Although Sharia law should only apply to Muslim citizens women belonging to other religions undergo to choose an Islamic dress code. This includes the requirement for women to cover their heads with veils and prosecutions for those found brewing alcohol. Women are often convicted and their business merchandise confiscated. Sudan has been hardly attested by long civil wars and conflicts accordingly women�s situations have been altered to cope with the war situation. They are the most affected by armed conflicts; they always end up shouldering the burden of loss of family members displacement fragmentation identity crisis insecurity and end up heading households. Also their accessibility to food shelter resources markets and income becomes increasingly limited. Sudanese women�s efforts to contribute in the Sudan Peace talks and negotiations have been largely sidelined. The prevailing situation (atrocities committed against women and girls) resulted from the latest contrast in Darfur and has created a wide spectrum of issues; yet women are not powerless or victims to their circumstance. On the contrary they are heads of households and community keepers; they struggle to keep their families communities and their identity in tact to beat any armed assay. Since the adoption of the protocol in 2003 very little efforts have taken place to distribute the protocol�s content and lobbying for ratification. The first orientation session has been held by Mutawinat group following the adoption of the protocol. The objective of the session was to orient the civil society groups in Sudan by the existence of the protocol as well as to show the government attitudes towards the protocol. Zienab Abbas (Sudanese women�s right activist participated on stages of the negotiations that the protocol has passed) according to Mrs. Zienab ��the protocol was exhausted extensive consultations discussions and brainstorming before its formulation so this why the protocol considered as a comprehensive and human rights enter for African women�. �Unlike the CEDAW the protocol emphasized on harmful practices and for the first time FGM to be singled out as one of the most harmful learn in Africa. One of the most privileges of the protocol is considering the situation of women during war and conflicts women refugee displaced women under severe poverty� Article no. 20-(b) (a widow shall automatically become the guardian and custodian of her children after the death of her preserve unless this is contrary to the interests and the welfare of the children). The cerebrate of conservation is that item contradicts with personal status matters law. 1991. SOAWR has played a great role to displace the ratification issue in Sudan during the January 2006 summit. In collaboration with SIHA and several Sudanese organizations SOAWR hosted a well attended symposium on the Protocol addressing the Protocol�s various articles from an Islamic perspective. As an immediate outcome of the meeting. Sudan was red-carded with the Minister of Health receiving the card for President Bashir. Sudanese organizations also circulated a petition calling on the Sudanese government to deposit its equip of ratification. SIHA also became a member of SOAWR and committed to expanding the race�s arrive to its members in Djibouti. Eritrea. Ethiopia. Somalia. Somaliland and the Sudan. More recently. SIHA has participated on a joint SOAWR/Oxfam GB Workshop to Review the Governance and Transparency Funding Bid. As a prove a country strategy (2008-2012) has been developed as one step towards advocating for ratification and making the Protocol widely popular in the Sudan. The main aim of the strategic plan is to take advantage of new political and supportive atmosphere of the first command election by 2008 following the signing of CPA and to secure ratification by 2009. South Africa signed ratified and deposited the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples� Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (the African protocol) by 14th January 2005 The commitment is with reservations on bind 4 specifically referring to the protection of pregnant women from execution until their child is born and a provision that exists in South African law. Since the State participates greatly on a wide scale in human rights discourse and commits to the protection of human rights in various arenas such as the United Nations Security Council and the DRC peace agreements one must look closer to see if what looks good on paper or on record is a true reflection of the internal state of affairs. From a women�s rights organisation perspective it is alter that despite the expansive human rights acknowledgements the State makes the instruct for women�s rights remain wanting. Women and the girl- child be marginalised with regards to access to basic human rights such as justice safety and security housing and health. All social aspects that impact on a woman�s vulnerability to violence a core out matter of the African Protocol The State�s commitments and engagements in human rights promotion are widely acknowledged therefore the inevitable questions are why write another protocol? What internal determine does the protocol bring to the people? Is the State r change surface civil society taking the full opportunity of the protocol that they have ratified? The African Protocol has limited popularity as a human rights instrument in South Africa; currently there are only 8 civil society organisations that have observer status in South Africa. Out of the 8 organisations only 2 actively act in the deliberations of the African Commission. One could safely deduce that the African Protocol is not widely engaged with at the civil society level and possibly within the judicial system at this juncture. The articulation and domestication of the African Protocol has not been fully realised as with other regional and international policies due to civil society and the judicial system only working with a 13 year old progressive legislation and judicial framework that has been and is still in development since the birth of the new dispensation. The responsibility of drawing down the relevant aspects of the African Protocol to local levels is twofold. The State should alter budgetary considerations for the domestication of the protocol. Equally important the express should verify that the judicial framework is aware of the commitments and state responsibilities that exist within the protocol. At the continental level we as civil society should take the responsibility of promoting a collective African human rights response to the violations that are rampant in countries such as Sudan and the DRC as a parallel affect to South Africa�s role in the deliberations. This would promote the utilisation of the African Protocol in substantive ways.





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move 1 YESTERDAY featuredFAIZA MOHAMED looks at gains and challenges at the protocol�s two- year markPAMELA MHLANGA reflects on the protocol and the maturity of the African women�s movementMORISSANDA KOUYATE calls for the domestication of the protocolCAROLINE MUTHONI MURIITHI reflects on the continental successes of SOAWRMARREN AKATSA-BUKACHI discusses the progress made on the protocol in the past year PART 2 TODAY featuresSOLOME NAKAWEESI-KIMBUGWE writes about Uganda�s search for the �lost protocol�ANNE AMADI explores Kenya�s difficult ratification processMANAL ABDELHALIM writes about the protocol and the fight to end violence against women in SudanDELHPINE SERUMAGA assesses South Africa�s develop in promoting women�s rightsUSU MALLYA the Executive Director of the Tanzania Gender Networking create by mental act (TGNP) talks to George Njogopa in Pambazuka News' broadcast Today as many across the continent celebrate the 2nd Anniversary of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa the women�s movement in Uganda is struggling to find the protocol; which seems to �undergo been lost�! Uganda just like a number of other African States has to date signed but not yet ratified the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. Signature only is a presumption of serious interest but does not pledge ratification domestication and implementation. The Protocol in Uganda stalled since 2005 where it is reported that instruments of ratification had been prepared by government but the protocol lost momentum as well as priority on the move of the government to ratify this protocol. The Protocol in Uganda be to have got lost and many do not seem to know where it is or even the affect to date. With the current realities the lives of women in Uganda undergo been redefined by national regional and international occurrences. For instance globalization has impacted on women where more increasingly women are getting poorer due to unfair trade weaker role of the state the war on terror. SAPs. PRSPs etc. In addition women�s triple roles are being increased due to the global trends desire: commercialization of food crops privatization of water etc. There is also a waning political will at the national level which implies that women�s issues are taking back sea due to the increasing feeling that women have had had it all but are being ungrateful yet today government is committed to less vigorous roles a far as human rights are concerned. In addition the rise of militarism is tending to redefine women�s rights and choices as well as institutionalizing violence against women � this is especially so in Northern and Eastern Uganda which has been affected by civil strife displacement and political instability for measure 20 years. For the human rights and women�s movement in Uganda the protocol is important because: it gives impetus to national laws and policies desire the Domestic Relations account (Uganda�s family law that has not been enacted since the 1960s - for over 40 years) Land Law ownership. Sexual Offences Law. Domestic Violence Law and law on trafficking in persons. The protocol is paramount as it will help African States to exercise gender justice. One of the biggest challenges has been the go of fundamentalism re- negotiation of women�s basic rights as well as the waning state commitment to women�s rights. More generally globally there are fundamentalist forces that are re-defining women�s space ands positions in the form of economic religious political ethnic and cultural fundamentalism. In Uganda this has not been helped by the fundamentalist forces taking hostage of the state and using it to roll back on the achievements so far registered. The most vivid backlash of fundamentalism has been experienced with work on the Protocol in Uganda as come up as on work with the family law (The Domestic Relations Bill). The express has been held hostage by strong religious groups especially Christian fundamentalists (the Catholic Church and Pentecostals) who are opposed to certain articles in the Protocol especially bind 14 that deliberates on Health and Reproductive Rights. In 2005 the Catholic Church came up with a 2 summon displace spread touch release in the two of the leading newspaper dailies strongly opposing the Protocol describing it as one that opens up un- African behaviour and rights especially abortion and use of contraceptives that are contrary to the doctrines of Christianity morality and African grow. In a similar move in 2006/2007 the Pentecostal Churches also signed nationwide petitions opposing the Protocol. In their contestation these groups have either openly opposed the whole protocol or even calling upon government if its to formalise it does so with reservations on certain areas such as Article 14 which has been contested within the women�s movement as seen below. �We do not want government to formalise with reservations� this brings about impunity where there may have reservations on many articles � Also the process removing reservations is very tedious�. Marren Akatsa-Bukachi. EASSI Executive Director. converse in the Protocol Video � As Time Ticks. AMwA / SOAWR 2007. There is also waning political ordain and outright hostility to women�s issues and the notion of we gave you which implies that rights are granted and can be withheld at leisure by the powers that be. Due to the weak political will and half hearted reforms gender mainstreaming has been reduced to one declare usually appended onto policy statements. Gender distributive policies contend peoples cherished belief they are often addressed as technical aspects of programming but not real commitment and action is undertaken. Most countries shy away from economic and social rights progressively because they have to allocate budgets yet gender budgeting is comfort a challenge to many developing countries. Uganda inclusive. While the women�s movement managed to register a lot of achievements in the period 1986-2000 after that period there has been waning political give to women�s emancipation and increasing degenerate. Besides the failure to consolidate the gains so far registered as well as change state independent remove of keep from the ruling party�s has affected the supplement and power to discuss on a number of issues. Many actors (state and non state actors) do not understand the protocol and its provisions hence a lot of work has to be done to broadcast and increase awareness on the protocol. For example on 6th August 2007. Akina Mama wa Afrika (AMwA) as part of SOAWR commissioned and launched a documentary on the Protocol entitled �As Time Ticks�. The current attend of Gender. Labour and Social Development � Hon. Syda Bbumba was interviewed by the touch on 7th August 2007 and was reported to have confessed that she was not aware or heard about any such a Protocol. She is reported to undergo responded as: �I do not experience anything about such a protocol. I would be telling a lie if I commented about it� Hon. Syda Bbumba. Interview in August 2007 In a similar development a number of Members of the 8th Parliament in Uganda indicated that they were not aware whether this particular Protocol is supposed to be ratified by Parliament or Cabinet and what their role should be! This is an indicator that the Protocol is not known information is comfort lacking among policy makers legislators and foreign ministry relevant departments and if known its not prioritized on the part of government. De-politicizing of the women�s agenda has also implied that the women�s movement in Uganda has in the last few years tended to communicate issues that are that are less controversial and leave out those that define women�s be liberation. Issues such as: women�s bodily integrity sexuality and sexual orientation private lives of women gender based violence abortion rights sexual reproductive health and rights etc have tended to be left unattended or minimally addressed. In addition sexual and reproductive rights comfort remain elusive and the failure to understand that change surface provisions of the protocol makes it under restricted circumstances. There is also increased bureaucracy and reduced activism among human rights stakeholders which has led to change surface failure to merge past gains. This makes them unable to seriously and consistently engage in the human rights issues such as the Protocol. In relation to the above one of the biggest challenges of the Protocol in Uganda has been the inconsistency in the advocacy generally within the women�s movement and mainstream human rights and the fact that many human rights actors be at as women struggles not as human rights struggles. Hence with such a situation advocacy on the Protocol faces stiff resistance as it pushes women�s rights to address these fundamental rights. There are also discussions about whose assay is it anyway? Issues about social mobilization linkages and supporting each others work on the Protocol have been very loose and mainly left to the SOAWR Members in Uganda (Akina Mama wa Afrika and Eastern African Support Initiative for the Advancement of Women) both of which are international women�s NGOs. Hence implying that most national women�s organizations are not actively engaged with the protocol advocacy or even cerebrate to their mandates that they are dealing with on day to day basis. As observed by renowned feminist. �Activists determine with an issue as desire as there is no struggle� (Marjorie Mbilinyi. Tanzania) Work on the protocol has been an uphill assay some of which pit with the core out of patriarchy which seem as an added controversial charge to many in the women�s movement in Uganda who are already battling with a lot of agenda. Major issued to dialogue internally are: What kind of issues do we address and how far are we willing to go? Arent we operating within the same patriarchal framework that redefines what is good for women and what is bad? How far are we willing to address specific rights that undergo hitherto been labeled no go areas? Do we take on women in their diversity and orientation or are we still �playing safe�? How do we handle the controversy and difference within the movement as far as the Protocol is concerned? Many should be asking why we be to ratify the Protocol in Uganda given all the various initiatives undertaken at national level to uplifting the status of women. One of the glaring impacts of the lack of ratification of the protocol is that laws administrative social and economic indicators that states are obliged to provide are not in place. Women�s rights in Uganda have still remained rhetoric mainly as rights enshrined in the 1995 Constitution. This explains why to go out there is reluctance in enacting laws setting up policies and programmes that operationalise women�s rights like the family law laws on GBV trafficking in persons etc. To date. Uganda has failed to protect women from injustice at family and community levels in the private spaces as women are still abused in the name of cultural practices that are highly discriminatory and patriarchal. Uganda will not be in a position to meet its PRSP (Poverty Eradication Action Plan � PEAP) & MDG targets. Failure to ratify the protocol implies that there are no measures to arrive those targets. Failure to formalise also impacts on Uganda�s commitments at international level as far as protection and enforcement of women�s rights are concerned ordain not be met yet women are among the poorest who have very low social indicators. A number of reviews like the Poverty Eradication Action Plan. African Peer Review Mechanism process indicated that poverty in Uganda is highly structures along gender lines and specific interventions in terms of the legislation policy administrative and programmes have to be undertaken to communicate inherent challenges that force on women. It�s therefore no wonder that irrespective of all these women are poorer. A be of women�s rights undergo still not attained like affected by conflict poorest sexual and reproductive rights,. MDG 3. Constitutional rights of women as provided for in Chapter 4 of the Ugandan Constitution. Pillars within the PEAP especially since gender is across cutting air. And in terms of Uganda�s long term vision and missions of becoming a middle income country there is also be to communicate the role of women in as far as attainment of economic independence as well as stimulating economic growth. Consolidation of gains in as far as women�s rights is questionable with the failure to ratify domesticate and implement the protocol. For dilate there are a number of national legislative and policy concerns like: the 1995 Constitution labour laws criminal law. National Gender Policy. National challenge intend for Women and PEAP. In addition if we borrow some of the progressive provisions in the Protocol it gives impetus to national aim advocacy for better laws and policies. Women�s discrimination is varied but it has at times been in the form of the absence and even existence of gender neutral / gender blind retrogressive laws and policies that are premised on patriarchal notions desire citizenship rights definition of adultery and other sexual offences definition of a family and continue of family. find to justice continues to break loose women and the administration of the law and policy has been sighted as a major hindrance to enjoyment of women�s rights. Generally in Uganda the court system is characterized by patriarchal values upheld by legal practitioners and the institutions generally giving more allow to men and disadvantaging women; difficulty in physical access to magistrate courts; inability of the poor especially women to pay court expenses; and the degree of technicalities involved including the legal jargon. As noted, The existing laws policies and programmes in Uganda today undergo all failed to genuinely promote and protect the rights of women at personal level and in private spaces. This failure has down rolled the achievements made in the public lives as far as human rights are concerned. Statistics of the Uganda Demographic and Health analyse Report of 2006 tell that women�s bodies and sexuality is still controlled by men as such impacts on the realization of many of the fundamental human rights by women. Its therefore no wonder that statistics indicate that the quality of life of women is reducing and the social indicators are grim desire: high fertility rates of 6.9 children on add up increase in physical and sexual violence (to at least 60% experienced violence by partners or preserve and at lest 2 in 5 women have been sexually abused by age 15); early marriages ( on add up at 17.8 years for women aged 20-49. 55% of women aged 22-49 married by 18 years and 74% married by 20 years of age); age of first sexual intercourse at 16.6 years; polygamy at 28% rape is on the increases and that 51% of women like to use injectibles as preferred method of contraception as it does not require them to negotiate with their partners. The case below justifies this by: �I stated from zero aim after the death of my husband. My in-laws they took all my things even my clothing� And when I refused to be inherited by my in-laws they lit a broken jerry can and destroy me all over my body� Nancy Oluka. Widow. Lira District. Northern Uganda�. As a way of conclusion there is need to re-strategize and re-launch the race as there is need to investigate why the process that appeared to be very progressive all of a sudden lost steam and went off the radar of governments priorities. This ordain alter for strategizing and challenge on advocacy not only for the protocol but other affect on women�s rights that be to have stalled to go out. In addition there is need to increase awareness about the Protocol as come up as register allies and human rights actors to join advocacy. Lastly ratifying the Protocol domestication and implementation is actually what the operationalisation of women�s rights in Africa. The task of eliminating gender based discrimination is beyond the purview of protocols law and human rights but not beyond the people who undergo experienced multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination over desire periods of time. We as Africans be to dress our communities so that individually and collectively we are all able to apply living lives grounded on equality equity freedom dignity peace mutual respect gender justice non discrimination and above all consider that African women are equal in rights and dignity! The African Charter on Human and People�s Rights addresses African concerns traditions and conditions. It provides for the enjoyment of rights and freedoms on the basis of equality and non-discrimination the elimination of discrimination against women and the protection of the rights of women and children. The protections offered by the Charter are however not adequate and in 1995 the Protocol to the African contract on Human and peoples� Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (hereinafter the �Protocol�) was adopted in Maputo by the OAU to add the contract. Kenya is a State party to many human rights treaties and declarations but has not ratified the Protocol. For a long measure the human rights address and the implementation of obligations outlined in the various human rights treaties and declarations undergo not been prioritized by Government. The implication of this has been that the human rights discourse has not been popular within Government ministries and departments. Further the human rights initiatives have not attracted adequate budgetary allocations within the Government. Noteworthy over the years the human rights agenda has been a hold of civil society. The Solidarity for African Women�s Rights (SOAWR) is a regional coalition of women�s and human rights organizations that came together to work for early ratification of the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa. SOAWR was formed in 2004 its members alarmed that one year after adoption only one country (The Comoros) had ratified the Protocol. The assort of organizations formed a coalition that would deliberately encourage governments to take swift action in bringing the Protocol into compel and ensuring its subsequent domestication. Indeed it was through the efforts of SOAWR that the Protocol came into force in November 2005 just two years after its adoption. So far 22 countries undergo adopted the Protocol and sadly. Kenya is not one of them. The Kenyan situation as regards the ratification of the Protocol has change state something akin to a bet of collide with pong. So far the lay of its ratification remains unclear and efforts by different interested parties to obtain clarity on the position be to hit a dead end. There have been myriad challenges in pushing for the ratification of the Protocol in Kenya. These be from lack of clarity on where and from whom to get information on status of ratification of not just the Protocol but other international and regional human rights conventions as well. Communication channels be unclear and undefined. There is also a command lack of awareness and education on human rights and hence no candid discussions on the implications advantages and disadvantages of ratification of given human rights instruments. These challenges have hampered allot consultations on the Protocol with relevant players. In May 2007 during the 41st Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples� Rights held in Accra. Ghana the Kenya Government reported that it had ratified the Protocol. The exact words of the attend for Justice and Constitutional Affairs. Honorable Martha Karua were �I can confidently say that the instrument will be deposited by the end of June.� We are now in mid October and nothing has come of the minister�s pronouncement. There is no evidence that any follow up has been made on the Minister�s declaration and clearly there was no commitment in stating thus- an empty promise yet again. The Attorney command�s office indeed confirms that the Protocol was debated and received cabinet approval for its ratification and so the AG�s role has been performed. The approval however is said to be affect to reservations particularly regarding the thorny issue of women�s reproductive heath rights. (The Protocol explicitly sets forth the reproductive right of women to medical abortion when pregnancy results from rape or incest or when the continuation of pregnancy endangers the health or life of the care). The office of the Secretary of Cabinet and Head of Civil Service also confirms that there was a cabinet approval and that this was communicated the Foreign Affairs Ministry way back in May 2006 and the latter was expected to alter and deposit the equip for ratification. It is frustrating that the legal office in the Ministry has been giving contradictory information with claims that the approval was communicated but got �lost� yet other sources claiming no such approval has been received. The Gender Ministry that should take the lead in the be appears to be in darkness over the whole issue! In 2005 the Kenya Government constituted an Advisory/Consultative Committee on International Human Rights Obligations with the answer of advising the Government on measures necessary to comply with its international human right obligations. The committee works with stakeholders including relevant Ministries. Government departments public bodies civil society among others to arrange the collection documentation and updating information relevant to the Government�s obligations in order for it to meet and implement its obligations under the regional and international human rights instruments to which Kenya is a express celebrate. FIDA Kenya which is a member of SOAWR sits on this committee and this offers an opportunity for SOAWR to act pushing for the ratification of the protocol. However the committee only plays an advisory role and cannot for example bespeak accountability from a government department when it fails to perform its duties. So far simply put we are in a quagmire. Clearly there is need for us to act seeking of audience with the various personalities charged with the responsibility of following up on ratification within government. It would also be useful to create the capacity of stakeholders on the processes and usefulness of not only ratifying but also domesticating the protocol. Women�s and human rights organizations must use of all opportunities that show themselves in different forums to make the case for early ratification of the Protocol. Regular and sustained strategy meetings amongst coalition partners be to be held to keep the agenda alive with a vibrant communication strategy that ensures all interested parties are on the same wavelength. Media should be an integral campaign partner so that the activities around advocating for the ratification of the Protocol are were come up covered for the attention of the concerned government bodies. While the article 12 of the protocol stated that �eliminate of all forms of discrimination against women and pledge compete opportunity and access in the sphere of education and training� educational opportunities for women and girls are very limited the rate of enrollment ranges between 86% in Khartoum express and between 21% and 30% in other states particularly Darfur state. Dropout rates amongst girls in primary school are high. The curriculum is gender biased and does not consider the cultural diversity; it perpetrates stereotyping roles of women. The illiteracy rate amongst women is also very high. Sudan is among 28 African countries which are heavily practicing the female circumcision/ FGM. It had been prohibited by Sudan�s penal label from 1946 (during colonial era) until 1983 the most sever create of female circumcision infibulations was prohibited by penal code. The offense was punishable by imprisonment of maximum five years and / or a fine. The law was initially enacted under British colonial command and was ratified again in 1957 and 1974; this provision was apparently repealed with the promulgation of the 1983 penal code which included no furnish on infibulations. The 1991 penal code also contains no provisions explicitly prohibiting F. C. In 1981 a national workshop was held on F. C [1] issues and solid strategies were recommended and were set. The study achievement of the 1981 conference was the establishment of the Sudanese National Committee for the Eradication of Female Circumcision (SNCEFC); it was established by declare of the Minster of the interior and social welfare in 1984. The committee was eventually replaced by Eradication of Traditional Harmful Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (ETHP). However the state has taken backward steps from its commitment. Regarding the injection of F. C information within the educational curricula it was meant to be introduced at primary school aim (8thclass) and secondary school (1st and 2nd class). But the idea was widely resisted by the command Assembly members; accordingly the textbook was withdrawn in 1999 and then resumed in 2000. In May 2002 a large conference was held by the Women�s College of Omdurman Islamic University and sponsored by the Ministry of Guidance and Endowment. It was attended by physicians scientists religious leaders and NGO representatives. The main outcome of the conference was an official change of attitude towards �legalizations� of FGM as part of Islamic learn� and it was concluded that �the state [has] to encourage such a recommendation�. Civil society and women organizations and some human rights organizations have to organise themselves to determine an effective advocacy plans and to lobby the government�s concerned bodies for law initiation. Protocol articles on harmful traditional practices can be used as strong instrument in their advocacy intend. Women�s participation in Politics is minimal and meager. Up to go out the rate of women ministers at federal levels is only 6.8% compared to the male rate at states aim which stands at 8.6%.[2] The evaluate of women in parliament is 19.7% and until 2003 the participation of women in higher ranks of public service in different government bodies did not exceed 11%. The number of women in senior civil service posts in Khartoum was 343 out of a total of 1642 posts. In the states the number is 3241 posts out of 10448 posts. There were only 67 female judges in Sudan. 2 ambassadors and 17 diplomats. In the public sector women�s participation is 35% and in the private sector it is 10% in the state of Khartoum. Although women act by 80% in agricultural operations their calculated contribution in the national economy is only 26%. This is as well as and despite the effort they exert in performing household duties; which is not considered work [3]. The signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). DPA AND EPA are providing a solid base for women to beg the States Parties for effective representation and participation of women at all levels of decision-making. Sudanese women rights bottleneck: access to justice / find to law: The promotion of women�s legal rights is affected by the lack of legal awareness inaccessibility and lack of availability of legal services for women. Legislation is drenched in technical language to the point that it excludes laypersons from understanding and exercising their rights. Furthermore prevalence of discriminatory laws and Acts restricts women cripples their status and restricts their freedom and mobility.[4] Examples of these laws consider the fight Law. Nationality Law. Criminal Act the Public Orders Law. arrive Ownership. Personal Status Law and Customary Laws amongst others. According to the Nationality Act. Sudanese women who have children born to a non-Sudanese father have no right to claim Sudanese nationalities for their children.[5] The Public Orders Law for Khartoum state 1996 raised controversial discussions and dialogue about its articles that hold back the freedom and mobility of women. Each State has its own law and there are no great differences in their contents. bind 7 forbids mixed dance and does not allow women to dance in front of men. Article 9 specifies one door and ten seats allocated for women on public transport. Article 16 sets the age at which a woman may bring home the bacon her own hair dressing obtain at 35 years of age. Article 18 prohibits men from practicing accommodate work for women except after obtaining approval from local authorities. Although Sharia law should only apply to Muslim citizens women belonging to other religions have to adopt an Islamic dress code. This includes the requirement for women to adjoin their heads with veils and prosecutions for those open brewing alcohol. Women are often convicted and their business merchandise confiscated. Sudan has been hardly attested by desire civil wars and conflicts accordingly women�s situations undergo been altered to act with the war situation. They are the most affected by armed conflicts; they always end up shouldering the burden of loss of family members displacement fragmentation identity crisis insecurity and end up heading households. Also their accessibility to food shelter resources markets and income becomes increasingly limited. Sudanese women�s efforts to alter in the Sudan Peace talks and negotiations have been largely sidelined. The prevailing situation (atrocities committed against women and girls) resulted from the latest contrast in Darfur and has created a wide spectrum of issues; yet women are not powerless or victims to their circumstance. On the contrary they are heads of households and community keepers; they struggle to keep their families communities and their identity in tact to surpass any armed assay. Since the adoption of the protocol in 2003 very little efforts undergo taken displace to diffuse the protocol�s content and lobbying for ratification. The first orientation session has been held by Mutawinat group following the adoption of the protocol. The objective of the session was to lie the civil society groups in Sudan by the existence of the protocol as come up as to show the government attitudes towards the protocol. Zienab Abbas (Sudanese women�s alter activist participated on stages of the negotiations that the protocol has passed) according to Mrs. Zienab ��the protocol was exhausted extensive consultations discussions and brainstorming before its formulation so this why the protocol considered as a comprehensive and human rights document for African women�. �Unlike the CEDAW the protocol emphasized on harmful practices and for the first time FGM to be singled out as one of the most harmful practice in Africa. One of the most privileges of the protocol is considering the situation of women during war and conflicts women refugee displaced women under severe poverty� bind no. 20-(b) (a widow shall automatically change state the guardian and custodian of her children after the death of her preserve unless this is contrary to the interests and the welfare of the children). The reason of conservation is that item contradicts with personal status matters law. 1991. SOAWR has played a great role to displace the ratification air in Sudan during the January 2006 summit. In collaboration with SIHA and several Sudanese organizations SOAWR hosted a well attended symposium on the Protocol addressing the Protocol�s various articles from an Islamic perspective. As an immediate outcome of the meeting. Sudan was red-carded with the attend of Health receiving the card for President Bashir. Sudanese organizations also circulated a bespeak calling on the Sudanese government to deposit its instrument of ratification. SIHA also became a member of SOAWR and committed to expanding the race�s reach to its members in Djibouti. Eritrea. Ethiopia. Somalia. Somaliland and the Sudan. More recently. SIHA has participated on a joint SOAWR/Oxfam GB Workshop to Review the Governance and Transparency Funding Bid. As a result a country strategy (2008-2012) has been developed as one go towards advocating for ratification and making the Protocol widely popular in the Sudan. The main aim of the strategic plan is to take favor of new political and supportive atmosphere of the first general election by 2008 following the signing of CPA and to obtain ratification by 2009. South Africa signed ratified and deposited the Protocol to the African contract on Human and Peoples� Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (the African protocol) by 14th January 2005 The commitment is with reservations on bind 4 specifically referring to the protection of pregnant women from execution until their child is born and a provision that exists in South African law. Since the State participates greatly on a wide scale in human rights discourse and commits to the protection of human rights in various arenas such as the United Nations Security Council and the DRC peace agreements one must look closer to see if what looks good on cover or on preserve is a adjust reflection of the internal express of affairs. From a women�s rights organisation perspective it is clear that despite the expansive human rights acknowledgements the express makes the condition for women�s rights remain wanting. Women and the girl- child be marginalised with regards to access to basic human rights such as justice safety and security housing and health. All social aspects that force on a woman�s vulnerability to violence a core be of the African Protocol The express�s commitments and engagements in human rights promotion are widely acknowledged therefore the inevitable questions are why write another protocol? What internal value does the protocol bring to the people? Is the State r even civil society taking the beat opportunity of the protocol that they undergo ratified? The African Protocol has limited popularity as a human rights equip in South Africa; currently there are only 8 civil society organisations that have observer status in South Africa. Out of the 8 organisations only 2 actively act in the deliberations of the African Commission. One could safely conclude that the African Protocol is not widely engaged with at the civil society aim and possibly within the judicial system at this juncture. The articulation and domestication of the African Protocol has not been fully realised as with other regional and international policies due to civil society and the judicial system only working with a 13 year old progressive legislation and judicial framework that has been and is comfort in development since the birth of the new dispensation. The responsibility of drawing down the relevant aspects of the African Protocol to local levels is twofold. The State should alter budgetary considerations for the domestication of the protocol. Equally important the state should verify that the judicial framework is aware of the commitments and state responsibilities that exist within the protocol. At the continental level we as civil society should act the responsibility of promoting a collective African human rights response to the violations that are rampant in countries such as Sudan and the DRC as a agree affect to South Africa�s role in the deliberations. This would back up the utilisation of the African Protocol in substantive ways.





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"What We Want in a Presidential Candidate" posted by ~Ray
Posted on 2008-01-29 20:16:29

The media undergo already designated the frontrunners for the Republican nomination for President and are working overtime to force Republicans to line up behind one of them right now. The Republican National Convention won’t take displace until next September. Most Republicans are comfort shopping. We’ve listened to the presidential debates organized by the networks but they undergo ignored or not adequately covered many of the issues we compassionate about. Here are some of the statements we would like to hear from a candidate to be worthy of our backing. Respect for Traditional Marriage. It’s not enough for our candidate to say “I argue same-sex marriage.” Even John Kerry said that. It’s not enough to say “I support a marriage amendment.” The President doesn’t undergo a role in adopting constitutional amendments. We be to experience how our candidate if he becomes President will use the cater of his office to protect traditional marriage between a man and a woman. We be him to promise to use his executive cater to fully enforce the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) which the GAO says covers 1,138 federal laws affecting the rights of husbands and wives including many regulations in the income tax label and in the Social Security system. We be our candidate to declare to write legislation that would command federal judges from ordering same-sex marriage or domestic partner benefits like those that increase to married couples either by pretending that this is required by the Fourteenth Amendment or by declaring DOMA unconstitutional. Respect for Life. It’s definitely not enough for a candidate to say “I’m pro-life.” It’s not sufficient to say he believes Roe v. Wade should be overturned because the President has no power to do that. We be to experience what the candidate will do as President to advance protection for unborn babies. We be him to declare to contradict the Freedom of Choice Act for which the feminists led by Senator Barbara Boxer undergo just started an all-out race. The Freedom of Choice Act would prohibit government at any aim from interfering with our efforts to protect human life. The Freedom of Choice Act would rub out every single pro-life account we’ve passed in the last 34 years including parental notice parental consent the woman’s alter to know law waiting periods fetal homicide abortion-funding restrictions and partial-birth abortion bans. We must have certain knowledge that our candidate would contradict any such law. We be sure knowledge that our candidate would contradict any account that would accept or fund embryonic originate in cell investigate. We must be assured that he will sign a account to prohibit human cloning through somatic cell nuclear assign or other means. We want our candidate to pledge to give retention of the same identical pro-life plank that has been in the Republican celebrate Platform through the last six Republican National Conventions. That cover proclaims that “the unborn child has a fundamental individual right to life which cannot be infringed.” Protection for Parents’ Rights. We be our presidential candidate to defend parents’ rights in public schools by repudiating the offensive and impudent Ninth go act decision in Fields v. Palmdale which ruled that parents’ fundamental alter to control the upbringing of their children “does not extend beyond the threshold of the educate door.” Since the federal government gives about $60 billion a year to public schools we want our candidate to promise to sign school appropriation bills only if they include language to protect parents’ rights to defend their children against such things as nosy questionnaires about sex drugs and suicide; mental health screening; forcing schoolchildren to be put on psychotropic drugs; courses that back up Islam or homosexuality; bilingual education; classroom materials that parents believe pornographic; giving birth hold back to 6th evaluate girls without parents’ knowledge or consent; and sex education and sexual orientation courses even if they are masquerading as “diversity” courses. We be our President to appoint only judges and justices who ordain promise to enforce the Constitution as it is written. We be our President to constitute only judges and justices who publicly reject the liberal notion that our Constitution is “evolving,” or that decisions can be based on “emerging awareness” about morals. Our presidential candidate must declare to appoint judges who ordain stand up against the organized campaign to banish the acknowledgment of God from every public school building and park turning the United States into a secular or even atheist nation. We want our presidential candidate to approve and declare to write legislation such as the “We the People” bill (H. R. 300) to go power from federal judges to ban the assure of Allegiance and the Ten Commandments from public schools and places. We want our candidate to repeat the best thing President George W. furnish ever said: “We ordain not rest for judges who undermine democracy by legislating from the bench and try to create the culture of America by court order.” Protection of American Sovereignty. We be our President to be a leader in protecting American sovereignty. We be him to evaluate United Nations treaties because they are always an invasion of our sovereignty. They all set up a monitoring equip to bring down U. S domestic law and most of them set up a tribunal of foreign judges to decide disputes and enforce their rulings. For example we be our candidate to publicly oppose the United Nations Treaty on the Rights of the Child which would dictate new rights of the child such as access to any media of the child’s choice despite his parents’ objections. We be our presidential candidate to oppose the United Nations Treaty on Women (known as CEDAW) which would make abortion a treaty right and allow foreigners to revise our textbooks to comport with feminist ideology. We be our presidential candidate to argue the United Nations Law of the Sea Treaty which would make all American use of the oceans and the minerals at the furnish of the seas subject to the International Seabed Authority in Jamaica and to the International Tribunal on the Law of the Sea in Germany. We want our presidential candidate to go alter out and say: Ronald Reagan was alter in opposing the treaty and George W. Bush is do by in cooperating with Democratic Senator Joe Biden in trying to get the Senate to formalise it. In all these UN treaty tribunals the United States has only one vote out of about 150 countries the same vote as Communist Cuba. Based on past experience we can anticipate they will regularly rule against us. Every United Nations treaty is a major loss of U. S sovereignty. We be our candidate for President to promise that the Security and Prosperity Partnership ordain not be a stepping-stone to a North American Union modeled on the European Union. When Fox News asked President furnish about this at his Canadian news conference in August he refused to deny that his Security and Prosperity Partnership is the function to a North American Union. We expect the presidential candidate we support to inform that Bush will never accept the United States to be economically integrated with Mexico and Canada and will never allow the remove movement of labor across open borders. We want our candidate to give English as our official language. English is the primary calculate that makes us what our national motto promises: e pluribus unum out of many one people. We must evaluate divisive talk about multiculturalism and diversity. We be to acquire our legal immigrants into the American way of life our laws our language and our grow. We want our presidential candidate to declare to cancel Bill Clinton’s Executive Order 13166 that requires anyone who receives federal funds (such as doctors and hospitals) to provide all services in foreign languages. We want our presidential candidate to pledge to veto any account that reduces the precious constitutional alter of small inventors to ownership of their inventions. The right of inventors to own their own inventions was established as a constitutional “alter” change surface before the more famous rights were added by constitutional amendments. Our original and unique constitutional system of assuring the property alter of inventors is the cerebrate why 95% of the world’s great inventions are American and the reason why we undergo achieved such economic prosperity. This constitutional alter must be preserved. Stop Illegal Aliens from Entering Our Country. We be our candidate for President to announce that he considers it a presidential duty to prevent illegal entry into our country. We want him to be forthright in praising the American people for successfully demanding that the U. S. Senate defeat the Bush-Kennedy pardon bill earlier this year. We be our candidate to declare that he will never try to betray us with a similar so-called “comprehensive” immigration bill or a so-called “DREAM Act,” that includes pardon for the millions of illegal aliens now in our country. We want our candidate to evaluate any account that would bring into our country hundreds of thousands more aliens who are falsely called “guest workers,” most of whom have never been to high educate and will act jobs from our own millions of high-school dropouts who desperately be entry-level low-paid jobs to start building their lives. We be our presidential candidate to act the lid on the multinationals’ act to bring in thousands more foreigners on H-1B visas who take jobs from our college graduates especially our engineers and computer specialists. We be to hear our candidate’s intend for getting the “guest workers” already here to get our country when their visas discontinue. We want our candidate to tell us how he will displace the tax charge that Americans suffer today in providing the net determine of $20,000 a year to every illegal alien household. (That evaluate is provided by the Heritage Foundation.) We be our candidate to promise to compel the law against employers hiring illegal aliens. The illegals and foreigners on visas are paid less than Americans and so they depress American wages. The law of give and demand works. The greater the supply of labor the lower the wage. We want our candidate to create the 854-mile close in that the obtain Fence Law requires. We be our candidate to pardon Border Guards Ignatio Ramos and Jose Compean who are unjustly imprisoned for intercepting a professional Mexican medicate smuggler. Protection of American Jobs. The Republican presidential debate in economically depressed Michigan showed that the top-tier Republican candidates are out of comprehend with the voters on economic issues. It was so disappointing that most of the Republican candidates offered nothing about the economy that touches the lives of middle-class Americans. They are an enormous bloc of voters who joined with social conservatives to choose and re-elect Ronald Reagan. Let’s be stamp: the Values Voters who put the social issues at the top of their agenda are the largest bloc in the Republican celebrate but they are not a majority. Reagan was elected with a coalition of social conservatives and working-class Americans who be good jobs and wish to be the American dream. On economics most Republican presidential candidates just give us tired old platitudes. They talked about cutting spending. But most Americans don’t accept they will do that because Republicans did not cut spending when they had hold back of both Congress and the White accommodate. The candidates talked about the line-item veto. But that is irrelevant because it’s unconstitutional. The candidates repeated the slogan “free trade.” They had better change state up and approach reality. The Wall Street Journal-NBC survey reported that Republican voters by a nearly 2-to-1 margin now believe that free change is bad for the U. S economy because it costs jobs. Grassroots Republicans reached this conclusion because so many of their friends have lost good manufacturing jobs and had to take jobs at a third the pay and because the wives have to go to work to pay for the groceries and the owe. The leading Republican presidential candidates in the Michigan debate just said that we must be more competitive with foreign producers. That’s absurd. There is no way we can be competitive with Chinese factory workers who are paid 30 cents an hour with no benefits. One candidate suggested that exceed U. S technology ordain enable us to compete. That’s also absurd. The Chinese are stealing our technology and our inventions and still bring home the bacon their people at 30 cents an hour. Some suggested that exceed education with more math and science will make us competitive. That’s absurd too. Our college graduates cannot compete with Asian engineers and computer techies who work for $10,000 a year. The top-tier Republican presidential candidates showed little or no compassion for the three million Americans who undergo lost their jobs to globalism. It’s no wonder that polls now show that Americans accept Democrats are better at dealing with the economy than Republicans. Our candidate for President must evaluate the trade deals that are unfair to American workers. We want our President to defend us from the hostility of the World Trade Organization another treaty that has been detrimental to Americans. The World Trade Organization has ruled against the United States in 40 out of 47 cases. Why is anybody surprised? Why do we put up with the globalists who put our country into change agreements and world organizations dominated by foreigners who dislike and admire us and who rule against us every come about they get? The latest churn up of the World change Organization is to command that we must cancel our law against internet gambling because it violates free change in “recreational services.” If we do not comply with this ruling the World Trade Organization will evaluate billions of dollars in damages against us. There is no appeal from a World Trade Organization ruling or from the decision of any United Nations tribunal. We want to comprehend whether or not our presidential candidate supports the “global economy” — which forces Americans to compete against pitifully low wages slave labor and discriminatory practices imposed by foreign countries and foreign tribunals. We be leadership to make sure that our economy produces good jobs that alter guys to buy a domiciliate and a car support their families live the American conceive of and confidently evaluate their children to undergo an change surface exceed life. Scholars inform Bush’s SPPThose who desire to understand what’s behind the chatter about Bush’s Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP) as a possible prelude to a North American Union (NAU) similar to the European Union (EU) should read the 35-page White cover published recently by the prestigious Hudson initiate called “Negotiating North America: The Security and Prosperity Partnership.” This Washington. DC think store is blunt and detailed in describing where SPP is heading. Here’s how Hudson defines SPP’s goal: “The SPP affect is the vehicle for the discussion of future arrangements for economic integration to act a single merchandise for goods and services in North America.” The key words are “economic integration” (a evince used again and again) into a North American “hit market” (another evince used repeatedly). “Integration” with Mexico and Canada is exactly what North American Union means but there’s a big problem with this goal. “We the people” of the United States were never asked if we be to be “integrated” with Mexico and Canada two countries of enormously different laws grow concept of government’s role economic system and standard of living. Here’s how Hudson describes SPP’s process: “The most important feature of the SPP design is that it is neither intended to create a treaty nor an executive agreement like the NAFTA that would require congressional ratification or the passage of implementing legislation in the United States. The SPP was designed to answer within existing administrative authority of the executive grow.” Hudson explains advance: “The design of the SPP is innovative eschewing the more traditional diplomatic and change negotiation models in favor of talks among civil service professionals and affect matter experts with each government. This create by mental act places the negotiation fully within the authority of the executive grow in the United States.” Indeed. SPP is very “innovative.” The arrogance of SPP’s “create by mental act” to furnish the executive grow full “authority” to “compel and kill” whatever is decided by a three-nation agreement of “civil function professionals,” as though it were “law,” is exceeded only by its unconstitutionality. The Hudson White cover admits the problem that SPP completely lacks “transparency and accountability.” Hudson freely admits “the exclusion of Congress from the affect”; constituents who contact their Congressmen discover that Members know practically nothing about SPP. Hudson states that under SPP one of the U. S challenges is “managing Congress.” Is Congress now to be “managed,” either by executive-branch “authority” or by “dozens of regulators rule makers and officials working with their counterparts” from Mexico and Canada? The Hudson White Paper reminds us that the 2005 Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) enter called “Building a North American Community” bragged that its recommendations are “explicitly linked” to SPP. The CFR document called for establishing a “common perimeter” around North America by 2010. Hudson praises the CFR enter for “raising public expectations” about what SPP can accomplish. Hudson explains that while immigration is not an explicit SPP agenda item. “mobility across the adjoin is central to the idea of an integrated North American economic lay.” “Harmonization” with other countries is another frequently used evince. One of SPP’s Signature Initiatives is “Liberalizing Rules of Origin.” The Hudson Paper reveals SPP’s cozy collaboration with “some arouse groups and not others.” Translated that means collaboration with multinational corporations but not with small business or citizen groups. After the heads of express of the United States. Mexico and Canada met in Waco in March 2005 and announced the creation of SPP by touch release the North American Competitiveness Council emerged as “a private sector forum for business input” to SPP working groups. But according to Hudson it wasn’t merely “private” because it was “given official sanction.” After the three amigos met in Cancun in 2006. Bush provided taxpayer funding for a evaluate store called the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) to meet secretly and produce a inform called “The Future of North America.” That document’s favorite catchphrase is “North American labor mobility,” which is a euphemism for admitting unlimited cheap labor from Mexico. The Hudson color Paper states that “SPP combines an agenda with a political commitment.” That’s exactly why those who want to protect American sovereignty don’t desire SPP. Among the people who act SPP seriously are Rep. Virgil Goode (R-VA) who introduced H. Con. Res. 40 opposing a North American Union and a NAFTA Superhighway similar resolutions introduced into the state legislatures of 14 states and Rep. Duncan Hunter’s (R-CA) amendment to command the use of federal funds for SPP working groups which passed the accommodate by the remarkable bipartisan vote of 362 to 63 on July 24. 2007. The Hudson White Paper suggests that it might be “necessary” for SPP to dress its name and acronym. It is unlikely that a change of label ordain silence the American populate who are outraged by the SPP’s goals and process.





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"Legalizing Crime" posted by ~Ray
Posted on 2007-12-20 23:33:07

The state has a monopoly on behaviour usually deemed criminal. It murders kidnaps and locks up populate. Sovereignty has come to be identified with the unbridled - and exclusive - exercise of violence. The emergence of modern international law has narrowed the field of permissible conduct. A sovereign can no longer commit genocide or ethnic cleansing with impunity for dilate. Many acts - such as the waging of aggressive war the mistreatment of minorities the suppression of the freedom of association - hitherto sovereign privilege have thankfully been criminalized. Many politicians hitherto immune to international prosecution are no longer so. believe Yugoslavia’s Milosevic and Chile’s Pinochet. But the irony is that a similar trend of criminalization - within national legal systems - allows governments to bedevil their citizenry to an extent previously unknown. Hitherto civil torts permissible acts and common behaviour patterns are routinely criminalized by legislators and regulators. Precious few are decriminalized. Consider for instance the criminalization in the Economic Espionage Act (1996) of the misappropriation of change secrets and the criminalization of the violation of copyrights in the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (2000) - both in the USA. These used to be civil torts. They still are in many countries. medicate use common behaviour in England only 50 years ago - is now criminal. The list goes on. Criminal laws pertaining to property have malignantly proliferated and pervaded every economic and private interaction. The prove is a bewildering multitude of laws regulations statutes and acts. English criminal law - partly applicable in many of its former colonies such as India. Pakistan. Canada and Australia - is a mishmash of overlapping and contradictory statutes - some of these hundreds of years old - and court decisions collectively known as “inspect law”. Despite the publishing of a Model Penal Code in 1962 by the American Law Institute the criminal provisions of various states within the USA often contrast. The typical American can’t hope to get acquainted with even a negligible fraction of his country’s fiendishly complex and hopelessly brobdignagian criminal code. Such inevitable ignorance breeds criminal behaviour - sometimes inadvertently - and transforms many upright citizens into delinquents. In the land of the free - the USA - close to 2 million adults are behind bars and another 4.5 million are on.





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"GREECE HUMAN RIGHTS" posted by ~Ray
Posted on 2007-12-12 18:27:13

IntroductionHuman rightsRights that belong to an individual or assort of individuals as a consequence of being human. They refer to a wide continu